Supreme Court weighs trans­gen­der youth treat­ments in land­mark case

The Supreme Court on Wednes­day heard oral argu­ments in a high-pro­file case regard­ing whether states can ban minors from receiv­ing gen­der tran­si­tion med­ical care under the Equal Pro­tec­tion Clause of the 14th Amend­ment, a close­ly-watched case that could impact the care and treat­ment for young peo­ple in at least half of U.S. states.

The case, Unit­ed States v. Skrmet­ti, cen­ters on a Ten­nessee law that bans gen­der-tran­si­tion treat­ments for ado­les­cents in the state. The law, passed in March 2023, also takes aim at health care providers in Ten­nessee who con­tin­ue to pro­vide gen­der-tran­si­tion treat­ments to trans­gen­der minors, open­ing them up to fines, law­suits and oth­er lia­bil­i­ty.  

At issue in the case is whether Ten­nessee’s Sen­ate Bill 1, which “pro­hibits all med­ical treat­ments intend­ed to allow ‘a minor to iden­ti­fy with, or live as, a pur­port­ed iden­ti­ty incon­sis­tent with the minor’s sex’ or to treat ‘pur­port­ed dis­com­fort or dis­tress from a dis­cor­dance between the minor’s sex and assert­ed iden­ti­ty,’ ” vio­lates the Equal Pro­tec­tion Clause of the Four­teenth Amend­ment.

Wednes­day’s oral argu­ments marked the first time the Supreme Court con­sid­ered restric­tions on puber­ty block­ers, hor­mone ther­a­py and surgery for minors. How­ev­er, it also comes as many oth­er states have moved to ban or restrict med­ical treat­ments and pro­ce­dures for trans­gen­der ado­les­cents, plac­ing out­size focus on the case and on oral argu­ments Wednes­day, as observers close­ly watched the back-and-forth for clues as to how the court might rule. 

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Peti­tion­ers in the case were rep­re­sent­ed by the Biden admin­is­tra­tion and the ACLU, which sued to over­turn the Ten­nessee law on behalf of the par­ents of three trans­gen­der ado­les­cents and a Mem­phis-based doc­tor.

At issue dur­ing Wednes­day’s oral argu­ments was the lev­el of scruti­ny that courts should use to eval­u­ate the con­sti­tu­tion­al­i­ty of state bans on trans­gen­der med­ical treat­ment for minors, such as SB1, and whether these laws are con­sid­ered dis­crim­i­nat­ing on the basis of sex or against a “qua­si-sus­pect class,” thus war­rant­i­ng a high­er lev­el of scruti­ny under the Equal Pro­tec­tion Clause of the Con­sti­tu­tion

Both sides con­tin­ued to bat­tle over the lev­el of scruti­ny that the court should apply in review­ing laws involv­ing trans­gen­der care for minors, includ­ing SB1. 

Peti­tion­ers argued that the court should use the test of height­ened scruti­ny, which requires states to iden­ti­fy an impor­tant objec­tive that the law helps accom­plish, while the state of Ten­nessee reit­er­at­ed its claim that the ratio­nal basis test, or the most def­er­en­tial test that was applied by the 6th Cir­cuit Court in review­ing SB1, is suf­fi­cient. 

Peti­tion­ers, rep­re­sent­ed by U.S. Solic­i­tor Gen­er­al Eliz­a­beth Prel­og­ar, argued that SB1 dis­crim­i­nates against indi­vid­u­als on the basis of sex, which itself war­rants a height­ened lev­el of scruti­ny under the Equal Pro­tec­tion Clause. They argued that SB1 “cat­e­gor­i­cal­ly bans treat­ment when, and only when, it’s con­sis­tent with the patient’s birth sex.” 

In Ten­nessee, peti­tion­ers argued, the way that the sex-based clas­si­fi­ca­tion works is that, “from the stand­point of any indi­vid­ual who wants to take these med­ica­tions, their sex deter­mines whether SB1 applies.”

Prel­og­ar cit­ed one of the unnamed peti­tion­ers in the case, whom she referred to only as John Doe. Doe “wants to take puber­ty block­ers to under­go a typ­i­cal male puber­ty. But SB1 says that because John sex at birth was female, he can’t have access to those med­ica­tions,” Prel­og­ar argued. “And if you change his sex, then the restric­tion under SB1 lifts, and it changes the result.”

Peti­tion­ers also sought to assuage con­cerns raised by jus­tices about the abil­i­ty of states to pass leg­is­la­tion pro­tect­ing minors, so long as the test meets a high­er stan­dard of scruti­ny. 

Pressed by Jus­tice Brett Kavanaugh on the impact the rul­ing could have on oth­er states, Prel­og­ar respond­ed by not­ing that the court could write a very nar­row opin­ion that states only that when a law pro­hibits con­duct that is “incon­sis­tent with sex, that is a sex base­line, so you do have to apply height­ened scruti­ny.”

“But the court has made clear that that’s an inter­me­di­ate stan­dard,” Prel­og­ar said. “And if the state can come for­ward with an impor­tant inter­est and sub­stan­ti­ate that it need­ed to draw those sex base­lines to sub­stan­tial­ly serve the inter­est,” it would still be per­mit­ted.

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Respon­dents for the state of Ten­nessee argued Wednes­day that SB1 was designed to pro­tect minors from what they described as “risky and unproven med­ical inter­ven­tions.” 

The state, rep­re­sent­ed by Ten­nessee Solic­i­tor Gen­er­al Matthew Rice, argued that SB1 draws a “pur­pose-based line, not a sex-based line,” thus fail­ing to meet the nec­es­sary require­ment to trig­ger height­ened scruti­ny. 

The law, Rice said, turns “entire­ly on med­ical pur­pos­es, not a patient’s sex.” The only way peti­tion­ers can point to a sex-based line, he argued, “is to equate fun­da­men­tal­ly dif­fer­ent med­ical treat­ments.” 

“Giv­ing testos­terone to a boy with a defi­cien­cy is not the same treat­ment as giv­ing it to a girl who has psy­cho­log­i­cal dis­tress asso­ci­at­ed with her body,” Rice said.

Still, respon­dents faced tough ques­tion­ing from jus­tices on the clas­si­fi­ca­tion and appli­ca­tion of SB1. 

On issues of clas­si­fi­ca­tion, Jus­tice Ken­ta­ji Brown Jack­son cit­ed par­al­lels to the race-based case of Lov­ing v. Vir­ginia, which over­turned Vir­gini­a’s law for­bid­ding mar­riage between per­sons of dif­fer­ent racial cat­e­gories; in that case, a White man and a Black woman.

She not­ed that under SB1, an indi­vid­ual can be pre­scribed puber­ty block­ers or hor­mone treat­ments if doing so is con­sis­tent with their sex, but not if it is incon­sis­tent, ask­ing Rice, “So how are they dif­fer­ent?”

Jus­tice Ele­na Kagan asked Rice about the appli­ca­tion of SB1, not­ing the text of SB1 and one of its artic­u­lat­ed pur­pos­es, which is to “encourag[e] minors to appre­ci­ate their sex and to ban treat­ments ‘that might encour­age minors to become dis­dain­ful of their sex.’”

“You’re spend­ing a lot of time talk­ing about what the clas­si­fi­ca­tion is here,” Kagan told Rice. “And I think we’ve talked a good deal about that. But what pro­duced this clas­si­fi­ca­tion might be rel­e­vant to under­stand­ing what the clas­si­fi­ca­tion is about.”

Ten­nessee has argued that its law can still with­stand even the test of height­ened scruti­ny, con­tend­ing in its court brief that it does have “com­pelling inter­ests” to pro­tect the health and safe­ty of minors in the state and “in pro­tect­ing the integri­ty and ethics of the med­ical pro­fes­sion.”

The con­tro­ver­sial case comes at a time in Wash­ing­ton when Repub­li­cans are set to take con­trol of the White House, hold the House and regain the Sen­ate, giv­ing them a greater influ­ence on the com­po­si­tion of the fed­er­al courts.

The court is expect­ed to rule on U.S. v. Skrmet­ti before July 2025.