3 num­bers that explain Novem­ber elec­tion results – it was­n’t about Kamala

A month out – and there’s only one ver­dict for the Novem­ber out­come: Joe Biden lost. 

Yes, that’s not a typo: Biden lost.

Head­ing into the cam­paign (a year ago). There were three poll num­bers that stood out: 30, 40 and 97. 

The 30%, that’s (rough­ly) the per­cent­age of Amer­i­cans who thought the coun­try was on the “right track.” The 40% (rough­ly) was the per­cent­age of Amer­i­cans who approved of Biden’s per­for­mance as pres­i­dent.

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Those were not good num­bers for the incum­bent.

To com­pound the chal­lenge, there’s the third num­ber: 97%. That’s the per­cent­age of Trump sup­port­ers (half the coun­try) who thought that “things were just bet­ter when he was Pres­i­dent.”

That’s an even worse num­ber for any­one (any­one) run­ning against him. It meant the notion that one could make the elec­torate focus on Trump was a fool’s errand: His vot­ers actu­al­ly sup­port­ed him – one couldn’t revert to “the oth­er guy is worse.”

Those three num­bers (from Jan­u­ary 2024) were not the result of a big adver­tis­ing cam­paign… they were the result of three years of the Biden admin­is­tra­tion. 

When Biden took office in 2021, he knew he had a sim­ple but auda­cious goal: Prove that Amer­i­can gov­ern­ment can work. 

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In the wake of the COVID pan­dem­ic, Trump’s efforts to reduce gov­ern­ment reg­u­la­tion, and adhere to Reagan’s mantra (from his first inau­gur­al), “gov­ern­ment is not the solu­tion to our prob­lem; gov­ern­ment is the prob­lem,” the Biden admin­is­tra­tion was going to con­vince Amer­i­cans that Amer­i­can gov­ern­men­tal insti­tu­tions were going to help alle­vi­ate a range of prob­lems.

His goal was to prove that both domes­ti­cal­ly… and inter­na­tion­al­ly… espe­cial­ly in the face of the grow­ing rival­ry with Chi­na. He said as much in his first speech to Con­gress: “[Pres­i­dent Xi of Chi­na] and oth­ers think that democ­ra­cy can’t com­pete in the 21st cen­tu­ry with autoc­ra­cies because it takes too long to get con­sen­sus.”

Biden was going to prove them wrong. 

A Biden par­ti­san put it to me more tac­ti­cal­ly: “We’ll get ‘shots-in-the-arms’ – defeat COVID – pass an enor­mous infra­struc­ture bill – and run on ‘Morn­ing in Amer­i­ca’ in 2024.”

Biden sup­port­ers would still argue they got much of it done.

By Octo­ber of Biden’s first year, almost 75% of Amer­i­cans had received at least one shot, strength­en­ing the pub­lic health insti­tu­tions of the coun­try.

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By Novem­ber, Biden had signed a tril­lion-plus dol­lar infra­struc­ture bill, designed to fund the kind of projects that only effec­tive gov­ern­ment insti­tu­tions can devel­op.

In the wake of the Russ­ian inva­sion of Ukraine, Biden suc­cess­ful­ly got two for­mer­ly “non-aligned” coun­tries (Swe­den and Fin­land) to join NATO – strength­en­ing that insti­tu­tion that many believed main­tained peace in Europe since World War II. 

In the face of the grow­ing threat from Chi­na, Biden orches­trat­ed the “Quad” – an alliance among India, Japan, South Korea and the U.S.

But none of it made any real dif­fer­ence – where it counts in pol­i­tics – with the incumbent’s job approval. 

Why? 

Vot­ers didn’t feel it. All the achieve­ments made for great press releas­es and a few good sto­ries, and like­ly changed the minds of some well-informed news­pa­per read­ers – but not the kind of thing that moves vot­ers.

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By the time 75% of Amer­i­cans had felt the pain of a shot-in-the-arm, and were look­ing for­ward to hav­ing COVID in the rearview mir­ror, the Delta and Omi­cron vari­ants had arrived – against which the vac­cine was less effec­tive. And that skep­ti­cism made a dif­fer­ence in the elec­tion.

Accord­ing to the Fox News Vot­er Analy­sis (FNVA), while half of Amer­i­cans want the gov­ern­ment more involved in ensur­ing chil­dren get vac­ci­nat­ed, a third of them vot­ed for Trump – while he got rough­ly two-thirds of the sup­port of the half of Amer­i­can vot­ers who want­ed the gov­ern­ment to retain or reduce their cur­rent involve­ment in child­hood vac­ci­na­tion. 

Folks may have heard about the infra­struc­ture bill – or the CHIPs Act (which set up an insti­tu­tion to invest in U.S. high-tech man­u­fac­tur­ing) – or the so-called Infla­tion Reduc­tion Act – which did put a cap on insulin costs. But the kind of projects that peo­ple will notice – con­struc­tion of a new bridge or the open­ing of a new fac­to­ry – won’t be ready for rib­bon cut­ting until Don­ald Trump is cam­paign­ing for Repub­li­cans in the 2026 midterm elec­tion.

And some might believe that strength­en­ing NATO and cre­at­ing a new inter­na­tion­al insti­tu­tion to try to respond to China’s inter­na­tion­al ambi­tions might be use­ful, but with the Ukraine war still a stale­mate after almost three years of fight­ing, it’s no won­der that many Amer­i­can vot­ers remain skep­ti­cal about inter­na­tion­al insti­tu­tions. 

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Indeed, accord­ing to the FNVA, while over half of vot­ers sup­port­ed aid to Ukraine, almost a third of them vot­ed for Trump – while he got over 70% of the vote of the slight­ly less than half who opposed fur­ther aid.

Would it have been bet­ter if Biden had been less cau­tious – and gave Ukraine planes and oth­er autho­riza­tion to fight more aggres­sive­ly (and made Biden look strong if Ukraine had used them effec­tive­ly)? No one knows – but a stale­mate under­scored his weak­ness.

One event in the Biden pres­i­den­cy did make a dif­fer­ence to vot­ers: the pull­out from Afghanistan. Biden’s job approval sank in the after­math of the dis­as­trous air­port scene – and nev­er recov­ered. As George C. Scott, play­ing Gen­er­al Pat­ton in the movie 1970 “Pat­ton,” “Amer­i­cans love a win­ner and will not tol­er­ate a los­er.”

Yes, some, even for­mer Water­gate sleuth Bob Wood­ward, who has writ­ten crit­i­cal­ly of almost every pres­i­dent since Nixon, wrote in his book “War,” that Biden’s han­dling of the Russ­ian-Ukraine and Israel-Gaza wars, would be “large­ly stud­ied in his­to­ry as an exam­ple of steady and pur­pose­ful lead­er­ship.”

You could argue that, gov­ern­men­tal­ly, what the Biden folks put in place will like­ly result in polit­i­cal pay­offs in the com­ing months.

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The Russ­ian ruble is falling – and the econ­o­my tee­ter­ing – in a way that may make Putin will­ing to cut a deal favor­able to Ukraine.

The Israelis – hav­ing fought a war for over a year – may be will­ing to cut a longer term deal with anti-Iran­ian Arab coun­tries – build­ing on Biden’s work with the Saud­is (and Trump’s Abra­ham Accords).

There are 65,000 infra­struc­ture projects that are already under­way.

There are mul­ti­ple high-tech man­u­fac­tur­ing plants in process, lever­ag­ing sup­port of the Chips Act.

If any of those things come to pass, the Democ­rats will give cred­it to the Biden Team – but they’re unlike­ly to be at the “rib­bon-cut­ting.”

Gov­ern­men­tal­ly, maybe he did achieve some stuff. But, polit­i­cal­ly, he doomed him­self to be a one-term pres­i­dent, and like­ly made it impos­si­ble for any Demo­c­rat to win the pres­i­den­cy in 2024 – because none of what they got passed or set up insti­tu­tion­al­ly was able to pos­i­tive­ly affect vot­ers’ lives or have suf­fi­cient­ly dra­mat­ic impact to make vot­ers believe that “Gov­ern­ment Can Improve Your Life.”

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