Why Can Food Stamps Buy Junk Food? How DOGE Could Save Bil­lions And MAHA

This is the first in a Dai­ly Wire series about major gov­ern­ment pro­grams that could be reformed under the Trump admin­is­tra­tion.

The U.S. Depart­ment of Agri­cul­ture (USDA) pays farm­ers not to grow food, while at the same time spend­ing most of its bud­get giv­ing “food stamps” to peo­ple who can use them to buy can­dy, soda, and snacks — at giant retail markups — in cor­ner stores and else­where.

The food stamp pro­gram has explod­ed, from $56 bil­lion in redemp­tions in fis­cal 2019 to $124 bil­lion in 2023. Per­haps not coin­ci­den­tal­ly, many on food stamps are more like­ly to be obese with relat­ed health con­di­tions, and then be treat­ed at tax­pay­er expense by Med­ic­aid.

The cur­rent pro­gram is so inef­fi­cient that by USDA’s own esti­mates, it pays out $1 bil­lion a month in food stamps to peo­ple who aren’t eli­gi­ble, lead­ing the Biden admin­is­tra­tion to call for “urgent” reforms. Twen­ty per­cent of food stamp pay­outs in the Dis­trict of Colum­bia, and close to 23% in South Car­oli­na, are erro­neous. That’s a sep­a­rate issue from fraud, which occurs when stores agree to trade food stamps for cash. The tens of bil­lions of dol­lars spent on unhealthy food counts as nei­ther waste nor fraud: it’s ful­ly per­mit­ted.

Dra­mat­i­cal­ly over­haul­ing the food stamp pro­gram so that only healthy food can be bought could go beyond sav­ing mon­ey. In a coun­try fac­ing an obe­si­ty cri­sis, it could help make Amer­i­ca healthy again.

A 2016 study con­duct­ed by a con­trac­tor for USDA found that soda was the top item pur­chased with food stamps. That study like­ly sig­nif­i­cant­ly under­stat­ed junk-food rates, because USDA refus­es to dis­close data on which prod­ucts food stamps are spent on even though it can be tracked. The con­trac­tor found a workaround by get­ting data from a large gro­cery chain.

The mon­ey saved from reform­ing SNAP would only be the start of the ben­e­fits to tax­pay­ers. A 2018 study from the Jour­nal of Food Law & Pol­i­cy found that “med­ical costs asso­ci­at­ed with obe­si­ty (which large­ly fall on Medicare and Med­ic­aid) are esti­mat­ed to be at least $147 bil­lion per year.” Some peo­ple who become obese through food stamps also end up on tax­pay­er-fund­ed dis­abil­i­ty pro­grams as a result. This month, the White House pro­posed cov­er­ing weight-loss drugs like Ozem­pic, which can cost $1,600 a month, for Med­ic­aid recip­i­ents. The gov­ern­ment would be pay­ing both for junk food that makes peo­ple fat, and a life­time pre­scrip­tion to try to take the fat off.

The food stamp pro­gram is offi­cial­ly called the Sup­ple­men­tal Nutri­tion­al Assis­tance Pro­gram (SNAP), and let­ting peo­ple use the cred­its on almost any edi­ble item, no mat­ter its nutri­tion­al val­ue, has nev­er been con­sis­tent with that intent. Even some Demo­c­rat-run states have rec­og­nized that, with states such as New York try­ing to make soda inel­i­gi­ble for food stamps. The fed­er­al gov­ern­ment for­bade them from even con­duct­ing pilot pro­grams to test whether it would be ben­e­fi­cial. USDA, the Har­vard study said, fret­ted that ben­e­fi­cia­ries would be “stig­ma­tized” if they couldn’t buy soda.

Of course, the argu­ment that bil­lions of tax­pay­er dol­lars should be used to make vul­ner­a­ble poor peo­ple obese doesn’t come from the impov­er­ished. It like­ly comes from cor­po­rate lob­by­ists for whom SNAP is big busi­ness. Soda man­u­fac­tur­ers, con­ve­nience stores, and can­dy trade asso­ci­a­tions have all lob­bied to keep junk food SNAP-eli­gi­ble. They say it’s only “anec­do­tal” that SNAP is often spent on sweets, lean­ing on the fact that USDA con­ceals what items are pur­chased.

USDA fought all the way to the Supreme Court to block jour­nal­ist requests to see how much tax­pay­er mon­ey is dis­bursed to each store for SNAP reim­burse­ments. That data could make the biggest laun­der­ers of food stamps glar­ing­ly obvi­ous because they would be show­ing far more rev­enue than sim­i­lar­ly-sized cor­ner stores. It would like­ly also show what a bonan­za the SNAP pro­gram is for polit­i­cal­ly-con­nect­ed cor­po­ra­tions like Wal­mart.

Yet when USDA asked retail­ers for feed­back on whether it should keep hid­ing data about how food stamps are spent, on the log­ic that it was a “trade secret,” small retail­ers and clerks replied that, day after day, they saw peo­ple ring up tax­pay­er-paid junk food, and they thought the pub­lic should know about it. One retail­er said, “I have cus­tomers come in and buy can­dy, sodas, and ener­gy drinks with their EBT/SNAP cards. I per­son­al­ly don’t believe that that should be allowed since it is not con­sid­ered a neces­si­ty.” A pub­lic health dieti­cian wrote, “I find that SNAP funds are spent on unhealthy food choic­es, which is com­pound­ing our nation’s health prob­lems… I sus­pect the retail­ers are part of the prob­lem. We need to fig­ure this out so that all of our cit­i­zens have access to healthy food choic­es.”

More than a decade ago, this reporter spent weeks tour­ing stores on the Dis­trict of Columbia’s list of SNAP-eli­gi­ble retail­ers. SNAP requires retail­ers to have a few healthy foods avail­able, and while many of the stores had a few old veg­eta­bles lying around, the typ­i­cal food stamp trans­ac­tion was more like­ly to involve junk food like 20-ounce bot­tles of Moun­tain Dew and Kit-Kat bars.

Some of the stores open­ly engaged in crim­i­nal activ­i­ty, sell­ing indi­vid­ual “loosie” cig­a­rettes, for cash. They plain­ly catered to crim­i­nals, sell­ing glass “ros­es” used to smoke crack. One made room in its lim­it­ed inven­to­ry for a selec­tion of black ski masks—the types used in robberies—in the heat of sum­mer.

SNAP inher­ent­ly relies on the hon­esty of these stores to tell it how much busi­ness they did in food stamp dol­lars, then writes them a check. It is triv­ial for them to “laun­der” food stamps into cash, giv­ing half the mon­ey to the cus­tomer and pock­et­ing the oth­er half, by ring­ing up ghost prod­ucts. The SNAP bureau­cra­cy seems to have been craft­ed pre­cise­ly to make such fraud dif­fi­cult to stop. The fed­er­al gov­ern­ment puts the states in charge of dol­ing out SNAP mon­ey, while retail anti-fraud enforce­ment is reserved for the feds, and there are only some 100 inves­ti­ga­tors to police a quar­ter-mil­lion SNAP retail­ers across the coun­try.

Even so, about one in twen­ty stores was caught for fraud with­in a sev­en-year peri­od. One in three stores that was sup­pos­ed­ly banned from accept­ing food stamps, was still accept­ing them. Some seemed to have sim­ply “sold” the store — on paper, at least — to an asso­ciate to evade con­se­quences. A store called Tobac­cosville was among SNAP-eli­gi­ble stores, until it was bust­ed for fraud. It rebrand­ed as Tobac­co City and kept accept­ing them. Oth­ers just ignored infrac­tions because the sanc­tions were tooth­less. Last year, Democ­rats intro­duced a bill that would make it even eas­i­er for cor­po­ra­tions to engage in food stamp laun­der­ing to keep oper­at­ing, called the SNAP Sec­ond Chance Act.

Even if it made sense for tax­pay­ers to pay for food at marked-up, retail prices instead of find­ing economies of scale by buy­ing in bulk, SNAP is duplica­tive. Women and chil­dren can already buy healthy food at stores through the Women and Chil­dren (WIC) pro­gram, and school-aged chil­dren get free break­fast and lunch at school in many states.

Replac­ing food stamps with a pro­gram that buys nutri­tious com­modi­ties from farm­ers in bulk, allows impov­er­ished peo­ple to select what they’d like off a menu, and mails it to them — not unlike high-end meal ser­vices such as Blue Apron — is one big-tick­et idea that could be con­sid­ered by the new Depart­ment of Gov­ern­ment Effi­cien­cy (DOGE).

The time is right for Con­gress to dra­mat­i­cal­ly reassess how Amer­i­ca ensures that its poor are healthy. Food stamps are autho­rized by the “Farm Bill,” which ordi­nar­i­ly comes up for renew­al every five years. But Con­gress wasn’t able to agree on a full five-year bill in 2023. After a short-term exten­sion, the incom­ing Con­gress and admin­is­tra­tion will have an oppor­tu­ni­ty to start from scratch next year.