Cha­gos Islands for Sale

Chagos Islands for Sale

Cha­gos Islands for Sale

If Trump is look­ing to add Amer­i­can ter­ri­to­ry, why not step into the UK’s far­ci­cal nego­ti­a­tions with Mau­ri­tius?

NATO Sec-Gen And Ukrainian President Zelensky Visit Downing Street

Since return­ing to pow­er, Don­ald Trump has shown a great deal of inter­est in expand­ing the ter­ri­to­ry of the Unit­ed States. Though the seri­ous­ness of his inter­est is unclear, Trump has caused frus­tra­tion, con­ster­na­tion, and amuse­ment among var­i­ous par­ties by talk­ing about acquir­ing Green­land, tak­ing back the Pana­ma Canal, or even mak­ing Cana­da the 51st state. While none of these seem real­is­tic, there is one ter­ri­to­ry which may be for sale that Trump does not seem to have con­sid­ered: the Cha­gos Islands, also known as the British Indi­an Ocean Ter­ri­to­ry (BIOT). These islands are home to Diego Gar­cia, our most impor­tant Indi­an Ocean mil­i­tary instal­la­tion. What’s more, in some sort of bizarre nation­al humil­i­a­tion rit­u­al, British Prime Min­is­ter Keir Starmer is cur­rent­ly try­ing to pay the island nation of Mau­ri­tius, the erst­while home of the dodo bird, to take the ter­ri­to­ry off of their hands. By attempt­ing to cede this ter­ri­to­ry to Mau­ri­tius for no good rea­son, the Unit­ed King­dom has proven an unre­li­able part­ner in the “British” mil­i­tary base that was built specif­i­cal­ly for Amer­i­can use. While end­ing the Amer­i­can Empire entire­ly would be desir­able, as that seems off the table, attempt­ing to buy the Cha­gos Islands pro­vides a rea­son­able and jus­ti­fi­able out­let for Trump’s expan­sion­ist impuls­es.

The sto­ry of the Cha­gos Islands is infa­mous in anti-impe­r­i­al cir­cles, as it was the site of one of the most shame­ful episodes of the Cold War, a sto­ry mem­o­rably told in a film by the leg­endary doc­u­men­tar­i­an John Pil­ger. In short, the Unit­ed States want­ed an unin­hab­it­ed island in the region, so the Unit­ed King­dom pro­duced the fic­tion that the Cha­gos Islanders were tem­po­rary work­ers, despite the fact that the small pop­u­la­tion, a mix of what had been East African slaves and South Asian “coolies,” had been there as far back as the late 18th cen­tu­ry. They were deport­ed en masse in the ear­ly 1960s and nev­er prop­er­ly com­pen­sat­ed because to acknowl­edge they were dis­placed would have run afoul of treaties regard­ing non-self gov­ern­ing peo­ples. Since then, they have lived in exile, pri­mar­i­ly in Mau­ri­tius, the Sey­chelles, and the Unit­ed King­dom itself. They were not con­sult­ed about this new deal, and while it’s said they may be able to return to some out­ly­ing islands, their cur­rent pop­u­la­tion has nei­ther the resources nor the skills to sur­vive on tiny islands or rebuild set­tle­ments now con­sumed by jun­gle.

The Diego Gar­cia base, which was put in place for the Unit­ed States, has his­tor­i­cal­ly been secre­tive and inac­ces­si­ble, though jour­nal­ists were allowed to go recent­ly to vis­it some Sri Lankan migrants who washed up and got put in deten­tion on the island, becom­ing part of a years-long legal saga. The base is known to host over 2,000 U.S. per­son­nel, with around 40 ser­vice mem­bers from the UK on the island who are said to admin­is­ter the base, main­tain­ing the del­i­cate bal­ance in the nom­i­nal­ly British but actu­al­ly Amer­i­can instal­la­tion. It has been used for a vari­ety of con­flicts around the region, as it pro­vides access to Africa, the Mid­dle East, and South Asia. Cru­cial­ly, it is one of the few bases in the world capa­ble of re-arm­ing nuclear armed sub­marines, though the size of its stock­pile of nuclear war­heads stored on the island is unknown. In 2022, in an unusu­al move, the U.S. Navy announced that the USS West Vir­ginia had stopped at the island as part of an extend­ed deter­rence patrol; the pur­pose of this was to show oth­er pow­ers that nuclear-armed sub­marines are reg­u­lar­ly at the island. The base at Diego Gar­cia is a key Unit­ed States access point for per­haps 1/8th of the globe.

It is not clear what mad­ness would cause the Labour Gov­ern­ment to cede the Cha­gos Islands to Mau­ri­tius while pay­ing them for a 99-year U.S. lease. The crux of Mauritius’s argu­ment is that the Cha­gos Islands were admin­is­tered from Mau­ri­tius dur­ing the colo­nial era, though they specif­i­cal­ly agreed to not pur­sue this claim when they were grant­ed inde­pen­dence. Besides that coin­ci­dence of his­to­ry, Mau­ri­tius has no con­nec­tion to the Cha­gos Islands oth­er than some of the for­mer res­i­dents being on their island. 

Inter­na­tion­al agree­ments about decol­o­niza­tion pro­hib­it­ed pow­ers from break­ing up colonies with­out a vote of the peo­ple. This has lit­tle to do with Mau­ri­tius, since the Unit­ed Kingdom’s stance was that these islands were uninhabited—which, to be clear, is eas­i­ly proven to have been an inten­tion­al lie—but the Chagos­sians would be the peo­ple with the right to vote on it, not the peo­ple of Mau­ri­tius. It is per­haps unprece­dent­ed in the annals of his­to­ry to pay a much weak­er coun­try to take a ter­ri­to­ry, but Labour is set on prov­ing an obvi­ous­ly hyp­o­crit­i­cal point about inter­na­tion­al law.

With­in the Unit­ed King­dom, every­one is blam­ing every­one else for this com­ing to pass. Labour points out that the Con­ser­v­a­tives were tak­ing part in these nego­ti­a­tions, and argues that this some­how tied their hands, although they could have just not pro­ceed­ed. The now out-of-pow­er Con­ser­v­a­tives all blame each oth­er for any action they took on the mat­ter. Mean­while, nation­al­ists with­in the Unit­ed King­dom are angry and humil­i­at­ed due to the absur­di­ty of the whole thing. Reform Par­ty Leader Nigel Farage point­ed out that ced­ing sov­er­eign­ty of these islands to Mau­ri­tius makes the Unit­ed King­dom much less use­ful to Amer­i­ca—-and has just said that he would rather sell them in Amer­i­ca than see this deal go through. (Of course, being a lead­ing U.S. vas­sal is the only way in which the Unit­ed King­dom main­tains sig­nif­i­cant glob­al polit­i­cal pow­er.)

The pri­ma­ry con­cern that is expressed about Mau­ri­tius gain­ing sov­er­eign­ty of the Cha­gos Islands is Chi­na encroach­ing on the U.S. base. While it isn’t rea­son­able to imag­ine that Chi­na could or would try to build a naval base, in part because the Unit­ed States is already using the only appro­pri­ate site, it is pos­si­ble that fish­ing or min­er­al rights could be leased in a way that allows spy­ing. That is the most rea­son­able nation­al secu­ri­ty con­cern put for­ward, but it must be admit­ted that regard­less of what hap­pens it is unlike­ly that the Unit­ed States los­es the base in our life­time in any way besides agree­ing to leave, most­ly because only an enor­mous Pearl Harbor–style attack could pos­si­bly dis­lodge the U.S. posi­tion.

In Sep­tem­ber, the Cha­gos Island deal had the approval of the par­ties in pow­er in all three stake­hold­er coun­tries, most notably the Biden admin­is­tra­tion, but short­ly after it was signed the Mau­rit­ian prime min­is­ter who made the deal lost pow­er, and of course Don­ald Trump was elect­ed. The Unit­ed King­dom has been eager to make the trans­fer, but only with Amer­i­can con­sent. At the same time, the new gov­ern­ment of Mau­ri­tius is try­ing to make the Unit­ed King­dom pay more of the report­ed 9 bil­lion pounds up front as well as adjust it for infla­tion over the next 99 years, mak­ing the total cost much high­er than 9 bil­lion nom­i­nal pounds over the course of the con­tract. For some rea­son, in late Feb­ru­ary, after meet­ing with Starmer, Trump announced that he was “inclined” to accept the deal, which seems quite out of char­ac­ter for the pres­i­dent, who was expect­ed to oppose the deal. In Octo­ber, Sec­re­tary of State Mar­co Rubio called the deal a “seri­ous threat” in his capac­i­ty as a sen­a­tor back in Octo­ber. The real­i­ty is that the base was built with the belief that the Unit­ed King­dom would con­tin­ue to own it, with no risk of some tiny nation with nom­i­nal sov­er­eign­ty poten­tial­ly caus­ing us end­less annoy­ance or threat­en­ing to give Chi­na access to the oth­er islands in the ter­ri­to­ry.

In many ways, there isn’t a great rea­son to buy the BIOT from the Unit­ed King­dom, giv­en that they are will­ing to pay the lease to Mau­ri­tius and that it would be impos­si­ble to dis­lodge our base. We could just as well take Mau­ri­tius on as a depen­den­cy. On the oth­er hand, Don­ald Trump has shown tremen­dous inter­est in expand­ing the Unit­ed States’ ter­ri­to­r­i­al hold­ings, and com­pared to going after Green­land or Cana­da, buy­ing the BIOT is immi­nent­ly rea­son­able. Diego Gar­cia is a key part of our cur­rent secu­ri­ty strat­e­gy, includ­ing the “nuclear tri­ad,” has no peo­ple left to dis­place or incor­po­rate into our coun­try, and the own­ers are try­ing to get rid of it because they can’t take the pres­sure of peri­od­ic res­o­lu­tions about inter­na­tion­al law. While the British nation­al­ists may wish to keep it, Labour has shown that the Unit­ed King­dom is not to be relied upon in this mat­ter, and it is unde­ni­ably less of a nation­al humil­i­a­tion for them to sell a dis­tant rocky out­crop­ping than to pay a for­mer colony to take it.

If Don­ald Trump is seri­ous about acquir­ing ter­ri­to­ry, he should stop chas­ing whim­sies and enter nego­ti­a­tions to buy the one piece of cru­cial real estate that may actu­al­ly be avail­able to pur­chase.

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