The Afghan Refugee Pro­gram Is an Unfix­able Mess—and May Bring the Next Ter­ror­ist Attack

The Afghan Refugee Program Is an Unfixable Mess—and May Bring the Next Terrorist Attack

The Afghan Refugee Pro­gram Is an Unfix­able Mess—and May Bring the Next Ter­ror­ist Attack

The State Depart­ment has reset­tled 200,000 Afghans in the U.S., but whistle­blow­ers point to cor­rup­tion and lax secu­ri­ty vet­ting. 

AFGHANISTAN-TALIBAN-ONEYEAR-AIRPORT
(Pho­to by WAKIL KOHSAR/AFP via Get­ty Images)

His­to­ry will right­ly lam­bast the Biden admin­is­tra­tion for the trag­ic and dis­as­trous­ly man­aged evac­u­a­tion from Kab­ul in 2021. In the wreck­age and chaos of that with­draw­al, the Biden administration’s Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil (NSC) set up a pro­gram to assist Afghans who had worked with U.S. author­i­ties to leave the coun­try and reset­tle in the Unit­ed States. The State Department’s “Coor­di­na­tor for Afghan Relo­ca­tion Efforts” (CARE) has large­ly man­aged the reset­tle­ment oper­a­tion, but not with­out con­tro­ver­sy. Whistle­blow­ers have cred­i­bly alleged that CARE offi­cials have tol­er­at­ed unac­cept­able secu­ri­ty risks in reset­tling unknown Afghans, while also ignor­ing inter­nal cor­rupt screen­ing prac­tices. There is lit­tle doubt that CARE has pri­or­i­tized reset­tling Afghans over pro­tect­ing the Amer­i­can home­land. 

The good news is that the new Trump admin­is­tra­tion has paused reset­tling Afghans. The bad news is that Con­gress wants to con­tin­ue the pro­gram. Trump has not yet per­ma­nent­ly ter­mi­nat­ed CARE, and pro­gram con­trac­tors are still in place, ready to turn the pro­cess­ing back on. The right move is to end this pro­gram. 

Besides the usu­al open-bor­der lob­by, most sup­port­ers of con­tin­u­ing CARE are those well-mean­ing Amer­i­cans, many of them vet­er­ans of the failed 20-year Afghanistan nation-build­ing project, who believe Wash­ing­ton has a con­tin­u­ing oblig­a­tion to those Afghans who worked with us. This view, admit­ted­ly, is a noble recog­ni­tion of a debt, and Amer­i­cans can, and should, debate when that oblig­a­tion has been hon­or­ably dis­charged. 

But that ques­tion is far from the only issue. Whistle­blow­ers have made the case that unac­cept­able defi­cien­cies rid­dle the pro­gram. Just as with the Afghanistan nation-build­ing project, the abil­i­ty of Con­gress to snap its fin­gers and throw mon­ey at an issue does not mean that a U.S. gov­ern­ment solu­tion can be suc­cess­ful­ly imple­ment­ed. CARE’s pro­po­nents dan­ger­ous­ly over­es­ti­mate the oper­a­tional capa­bil­i­ty of U.S. offi­cials to iden­ti­fy, vet, and safe­ly reset­tle those deserv­ing Afghans we want to extract. 

CARE fails on the basic secu­ri­ty ques­tion of ver­i­fy­ing who is enter­ing our coun­try. CARE is con­front­ed by sev­er­al risk elements—Taliban duplic­i­ty, con­fused Afghan iden­ti­ty issues, and lim­i­ta­tions on fed­er­al gov­ern­ment screen­ing capacities—that the pro­gram can­not over­come. As one whistle­blow­er has explained: 

Since 2022, the CARE office has facil­i­tat­ed the entry of hun­dreds of thou­sands of Afghan nation­als to the Unit­ed States as refugees or Spe­cial Immi­grant Visa (SIV) hold­ers. How­ev­er, CARE has failed to ade­quate­ly vet the back­grounds of these Afghans. Instead of bring­ing Afghan allies who worked with the U.S. mil­i­tary or in our diplo­mat­ic mis­sion, CARE has allowed the process to be cor­rupt­ed by allow­ing Afghans to come to the U.S. through fraud and bribery. There is evi­dence some of these Afghans have Tal­iban loy­al­ties. Con­trary to Pres­i­dent Trump’s Amer­i­ca First for­eign pol­i­cy, CARE has wast­ed bil­lions of U.S. tax­pay­er dol­lars and import­ed a sig­nif­i­cant threat to our nation­al secu­ri­ty.

Start with the unac­cept­able vet­ting vul­ner­a­bil­i­ties. Biden’s NSC irre­spon­si­bly set the tone when senior offi­cials, led by then-Deputy Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Advis­er Jon Fin­er, demand­ed that the CARE pri­or­i­ty be admit­ting and not screen­ing Afghans. Fin­er knew that U.S. vet­ting capa­bil­i­ties could actu­al­ly clear very few Afghans because U.S. intel­li­gence is sim­ply too incom­plete to resolve com­pli­ca­tions in iden­ti­ty infor­ma­tion. Most­ly, the vet­ting process involves review­ing an Afghan’s identity—based on name, facial pho­to, bio­met­rics, or oth­er intel—to see if it comes up as a “hit” or a “match” to a pos­si­ble sus­pect in secu­ri­ty data­bas­es. 

U.S. vet­ting ana­lysts labor inten­sive­ly over this incom­plete and sketchy per­son­al iden­ti­ty infor­ma­tion, but very often the results are unclear. As anoth­er insid­er explained: “The base­line vet­ting sys­tem errs on the side of cau­tion; a hit means an indi­vid­ual is exclud­ed from U.S. reset­tle­ment. For Afghans, the sys­tem is flipped; CARE has done every­thing it can to ‘clear hits’ and assume the nation­al secu­ri­ty risks of doing so.” 

Amer­i­cans have a right to expect their gov­ern­ment not to run such risks. For sev­er­al years, researchers at the Cen­ter for Immi­gra­tion Stud­ies (CIS) have been shout­ing and wav­ing their hands about this kind of irre­spon­si­ble vet­ting. At issue is not just the risk of admit­ting Afghans with crim­i­nal pasts, but also those col­lab­o­rat­ing with or capa­ble of becom­ing ter­ror­ists. For exam­ple, in 2021 the task force that became CARE admit­ted and reset­tled Nasir Ahmad Tawhe­di, an Afghanistan cit­i­zen liv­ing in Okla­homa City who last Octo­ber was arrest­ed and charged with con­spir­ing to com­mit an Elec­tion Day ter­ror­ist attack on behalf of ISIS. Tawhe­di was set to become a sui­cide bomber.

The CARE inter­view pro­ce­dures for Afghan appli­cants are so poor­ly man­aged, in fact, that they con­sti­tute malfea­sance. This stems from the fact that CARE engages around 200 Afghan con­trac­tors, main­ly work­ing remote­ly, to serve as case man­agers for Afghan appli­cants. For lin­guis­tic and cul­tur­al rea­sons, it is rea­son­able to use Afghans, but whistle­blow­ers indi­cate that the Amer­i­can supervisors—again, in an effort to admit migrants—are on auto­mat­ic pilot and not doing their due dili­gence. The CARE case man­agers who con­trol which Afghan appli­ca­tions are eli­gi­ble for fur­ther pro­cess­ing and thus their ini­tial eli­gi­bil­i­ty to be admit­ted into the Unit­ed States are them­selves Afghans, the same con­trac­tors who in many cas­es were not prop­er­ly vet­ted them­selves; most are not U. S. cit­i­zens. 

In this unac­cept­able process, there is almost no effort to cor­rob­o­rate what Afghan appli­cants claim about the threats they face at home or their record in actu­al­ly assist­ing U.S. author­i­ties. In fact, it seems that CARE has no capac­i­ty to or real inter­est in try­ing to expose fraud­u­lent claims. Cer­tain­ly, it is not an easy task, but no effort is real­ly being made. Imag­ine the Amer­i­can CARE super­vi­sor try­ing to dou­ble-check the work of his Afghan con­trac­tor who just con­duct­ed an inter­view with an appli­cant in a Pash­to dialect and pre­sent­ed doc­u­men­ta­tion in offi­cial bureau­crat­ic Dari. The Amer­i­can super­vi­sor has no idea. This is the kind of flim­sy screen­ing that puts a would-be ter­ror­ist in Okla­homa City. 

More­over, the Afghan dias­po­ra is ful­ly net­worked online and infor­ma­tion is con­stant­ly cir­cu­lat­ing on how to game CARE. Accord­ing to whistle­blow­ers, this process is fur­ther­more rid­dled with pay­offs and oth­er Afghan-to-Afghan reward kick­backs about which the Amer­i­can CARE super­vi­sors know lit­tle and, appar­ent­ly, care even less. Bribes and ille­gal favors, the Achilles heel of all immi­gra­tion sausage-mak­ing, appear total­ly out of con­trol with CARE. 

Unfor­tu­nate­ly, the cor­rup­tion net­work stretch­es from Kab­ul back to Wash­ing­ton. Bad prac­tices that the empire encoun­ters abroad come home with the empire’s return­ing sol­diers, spies, and diplo­mats. Accord­ing to a 2023 Defense Department/SIGAR report for­mer U.S. offi­cials who served in Afghanistan (there were over a mil­lion Amer­i­cans there, includ­ing the mil­i­tary) have been dis­cov­ered sell­ing rec­om­men­da­tion let­ters to Afghans who want to get out. 

Then there are the Tal­iban over­lords who manip­u­late the process for pay­off, favors, and oth­er unscrupu­lous rewards. The fact that Tal­iban author­i­ties know­ing­ly allow Afghans to fly out to third coun­tries where CARE can process them strong­ly indi­cates at least these appli­cants are not fac­ing per­se­cu­tion in their home­land. Such Tal­iban manip­u­la­tion also helps explain why CARE is admit­ting dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly few mem­bers of Afghan reli­gious or eth­nic minor­i­ty groups (e.g., Chris­tians, Haz­aras), who prob­a­bly have real fears and no way to leave. It is exas­per­at­ing to see, yet again, how the Tal­iban and their agents con­tin­ue to manip­u­late the hap­less, clue­less Uncle Sam. 

So far, the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment has paid out over $4 bil­lion, which includes pro­cess­ing and hous­ing cen­ters in Qatar and Alba­nia. The open-bor­der Biden admin­is­tra­tion nev­er saw a reset­tle­ment NGO and migrant fed­er­al con­trac­tor that it did not want to rain U.S. tax­pay­er dol­lars on. To its cred­it, the Trump admin­is­tra­tion believes it has frozen CARE, but it is impor­tant to fol­low the mon­ey. 

Accord­ing to insid­ers, CARE offi­cials are, at least part­ly, ignor­ing Pres­i­dent Trump’s EO freez­ing all for­eign assis­tance. CARE offi­cials claim they are financed by appro­pri­a­tions out­side of for­eign assis­tance. This means that, even though refugee admis­sions have been halt­ed, CARE is still pay­ing salaries to con­trac­tors and oper­a­tional costs to keep unprocessed Afghans in third coun­tries. One can only hope that some­one at State is direct­ing Elon Musk and DOGE to look at CARE, because this pro­gram has resist­ed all scruti­ny. 

Despite CARE’s ter­ri­ble record, Con­gress has passed new leg­is­la­tion that calls on State to con­tin­ue the pro­gram. In response, the Trump admin­is­tra­tion needs to shine a bright light on the cor­rup­tion and secu­ri­ty risks ongo­ing in CARE and redou­ble its efforts to per­ma­nent­ly close down anoth­er dis­as­trous Biden migrant-refugee pro­gram. Amer­i­cans deserve the full sto­ry. 

Until we receive it, thou­sands of insuf­fi­cient­ly vet­ted Afghans remain with­in our bor­ders. In many cas­es, their inten­tions and even their true iden­ti­ties are unknown. It’s time to end that.

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